[full text of draft for a One Young World blog]
There is a
growing consensus among world governments and municipal leaders that domestic
violence is an urgent problem with far reaching consequences. Although it’s
only recognition and not the problem that is new, there is little consensus on
what works to prevent domestic violence and address its occurrence.
With good
reason. Practitioners insist on a holistic approach in which education,
information and financial and psychosocial support for victims and
perpetrators, and appropriate social and criminal sanctions on domestic
violence, all play a part. This ideal tableau implies service providers, law
enforcement, and government and private support systems, like educational and
religious institutions, working in concert. A pretty tall order for stretched municipal
budgets and specialized providers to take on. So choices have to be made: which areas should limited funds be focused on
to get the most in preventing domestic violence and serving the interests of
the people and families it affects?
Members of the Bulgarian Alliance for protection from gender-based violence demand ratification of the Istanbul Convention in November 2013 |
Choices on what
domestic violence prevention activities to prioritize and how to improve the
reach and effectiveness of support services are better made with a nuanced
understanding of the context of domestic violence, which can vary from one
community to another.
Without
detailed disaggregated information on the incidence of domestic violence across
particular community contexts, policy and expenditure choices are little better
than rolling a pair of dice. Because
what doesn’t get counted, doesn’t count. It is all that much easier to make
only vague and hollow policy ‘commitments’ when the information base for sound
planning is missing.
In discussions
of the post-2015 sustainable development goals and the role of gender, a major
theme is getting the right indicators and fomenting a data revolution. However,
а forecast assessment of quantifiable returns to the
gamut of potential gender-related targets by Irma Clots Figueras of the
Copenhagen Consensus assesses those related to reducing gender-based violence
to come at high costs and have questionable effectiveness: “Domestic
violence is widespread in all regions, but especially high in Africa, the
Eastern Mediterranean and South-East Asia… [but] data from different countries
may therefore not be directly comparable. … Benefits [of prevention] are more difficult to
quantify, but are physical, psychological and economic (lifetime income can be
reduced).” The
prioritization of initiatives to prevent domestic violence thus suffers from
the issue’s very legacy of being under-measured and from its complexity.
This
sidelining of domestic violence prevention because it has been under-documented
continues despite mounting evidence that domestic violence not only has direct
impacts in lost productivity to individuals and families but may be a predictor
of destructive behavior with greater reach. A study examining 110 mass
shootings in the United States in 2009-2014 discovered that more than half of
all perpetrators targeted intimate partners or family members as well as
others. The study was conducted by an organization advocating tougher gun
regulation, it took its place in the domestic violence discourse via a New York
Times op-ed by field experts Pamela Shiffman and Salamishah Tillet and it is just one example of the
extent to which better prevention and response to domestic violence could
contribute to sustaining more peaceful societies.
At the
local level, it is just simply challenging to conduct compelling awareness
campaigns and advocacy work without a thorough knowledge of the scope of the
problem. One of the first questions people pose in informal discussions and media
coverage is: “Well, what are the numbers
on domestic violence, here?” The local context is missing, and this is a
question that cannot be answered at present, in many places.
Only very
aggregate figures for callers to the national hotline for children affected by
violence are available, insufficient to indicate trends in
the success of connecting victims to services. Even where data can more easily
be made useful, in the incomplete proportion of cases that reach the justice
system, it is not. The National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria makes
available only summary statistics on annual basis per Article of the criminal law
(type of crime, such as homicide, bodily injury, abduction, etc.). Figures cover
crimes prosecuted and are disaggregated by perpetrator gender, without
reference to victims’ gender. Admittedly, there are practical limitations to
collecting data in a usable manner: chief among these is inability to cross
reference offences prosecuted under the various articles of law with the
umbrella category of domestic violence. The context is missing. And while this
ambiguity can lead to a discourse that emphasizes more humanized narratives,
the overall sense is one of uncertainty as to whether this is really a big
issue.
Missing the
context is not a challenge unique to Bulgaria, and is in fact the subject of an
entire chapter of the Council of Europe Convention on Combatting Domestic
Violence (the Istanbul Convention) which aims to build comprehensive
and coherent national legal and policy provisions for the prevention and
response to domestic violence. Chapter II requires State Parties to “collect disaggregated relevant
statistical data at regular intervals on cases of all forms of violence covered
[and] support research in the field … to study its root causes and effects,
incidences and conviction rates, as well as the efficacy of measures taken to
implement this Convention.” Only 16 countries, a third of the Council of
Europe’s membership, have ratified the convention so far - Bulgaria is not one
of them.
At present
the only available information on incidence of domestic violence is from the 2012
survey by the
European Agency for Fundamental Rights: 23% of women in Bulgaria have suffered
intimate partner violence, a proportion nearly equal to the average for Europe,
slightly above that for North America, and well below regional averages for
other parts of the world as assessed by a comparative 2014 study
by the World Bank.
Somehow, the available resources and
the total lack of initiative by the Bulgarian government to meet European
actors and the NGO sector partway do not seem equal to the task of
understanding domestic violence, let alone addressing it.
Frustrated
with being left by government to carry the burden of analysis as well as
service provision, Women’s Aid, Nia Project and the legal firm Freshfields are taking the game to the
next level in the United Kingdom. The Femicide Census launched in February
2015: a database that tracks all cases of women murdered by men. The Femicide Census aims to connect statistics to
background stories and will rely on filing large quantities of public
information requests every six months to capture the data needed, with the
explicit goal of catalyzing a shift in the way the UK’s Home Office collects
and uses this type of information.
There are
good practice and leadership examples of how to do that. Take Canada: for 17
years, the government’s Statistics office has released annual data on family
violence and focused its 2013 study on intimate partner violence reported to
the police. The study clearly illuminates a difference in the rates of family
violence between genders. Even more interestingly, by analyzing age-disaggregated
information, the study highlights that the gender discrepancy in domestic
violence victimization rate is pronounced between ages 15 and 45: the category
typically equated with reproductive age in women. At ages below 10 and above
55, family violence is reported to affect males and females at similar rates.
So there is something about the age in which women are in the conventionally
understood reproductive age that places them at uniquely high risk.
“Don’t just
demand that the government does things. Demand that it does them right.
These things have to be woman-centered,” as Jill Radford, co-editor of Femicide: The Politics of Women Killing
(1992), insists in an interview at
the Femicide Census launch event. Making disaggregated data available is
essential to a more nuanced understanding of the socio-economic drivers of
domestic violence, and from there prioritizing the types of policies that can
effectively prevent it.
We must
indeed insist with our respective governments to make a real effort to address
the knowledge gap on domestic violence. Meanwhile, let’s hope that at the upcoming
meeting of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women and side events the lack of established practices
of data collection on domestic violence will be addressed, and not taken as an
argument to discount the importance of this issue for societies’ wellbeing and
development.
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